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CASE STUDY (1) JULIA PAULI & MICHAEL SCHNEGG
Social practices, cultural diversity and demographic dynamics
of the Damara and Nama of Fransfontein, Namibia, ca. 1880-2005
From May 2003 to October 2004 Julia Pauli and Michael Schnegg conducted fieldwork in the Fransfontein area. Khoekhoegowab speakers, who in Fransfontein differentiate themselves into Damara and Nama, mainly inhabit the area, with more than 70% giving Damara as their ethnicity. The second largest group in terms of ethnicity are Hereros, followed by Nama and Ovambo. Yet, as our genealogical data clearly show, there are numerous multiethnic marriages, partnerships and coparenthoods. An ethnographic census, which we administered in May and June 2004, reveals, that Fransfontein consists of 137 households and the communal surroundings of 25 hamlets and a total 161 households. To complement our knowledge, we also elicited ethnographic data for five neighbouring commercial farms, focusing on the so-called ‘locations’ of the workers, most of them of Damara or Ovambo origin. Another important feature the census shows is the high mobility of the population. On average, people live less than 10 years in the area. Further, Fransfontein, and to a lesser extent the hamlets, are very much stratified economically, ranging from households living in extreme poverty to well situated, even wealthy families.
Our research activities are ongoing. In 2005 and 2006 respectively, further field research is planed. Some preliminary results tackle the following topics: |
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a) Fertility and Kinship:
For a number of historic-demographic reasons, half-siblings are very common
and full siblings are rare. “Everyone has his own father” is
a typical local description of Fransfontein family life. Most women (and
men) have consecutively children with four, five or even more different partners.
As a result, many people have 10 or more half-siblings. Male and female parallel
cousins are also classified as brothers and sisters. The total amount of
people an individual can refer to as “brothers” and “sisters” is
consequently quite large. For the individual it is not possible to relate
to all of these brothers and sisters in an emotional rich, supporting and
trusting manner. But whom to relate to and whom to avoid? There is no explicit
cultural rule to select certain kinds of siblings (e.g. the eldest brother
or sister), nor is the mother always the connecting focal point. As in many
Southern African societies, individual mobility is high and a child’s
socialization is characterized by strong variations in people and places.
Within this dynamic setting the concept of “growing up together”,
kai //are, is of utmost relevance for creating an individual’s network
of relatedness. Kai //are encompasses different dimensions of relatedness.
Sharing space, sharing food and sharing emotional laden experiences are among
the most important of these.
Paper Julia Pauli „We didn’t grow up together. Relatedness among the Damara and Nama of Fransfontein, Kunene South, Namibia” Panel Alber & Bochow ‚Familie und Verwandtschaft’. Frühjahrstagung der Sektion Sozialanthropologie und Entwicklungssoziologie der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie. 7.-9.7.05, Bayreuth, Germany.
b) Coparenthood and Marriage:
First analyses of 177 completed reproductive histories reveal a far-reaching
demographic and cultural change, starting around the 1950ties. Women of the
oldest cohort (born until 1934) have significant higher levels of fertility,
and their children are the offspring of fewer men (on average 1-2 fathers).
Women born later than 1934 have lesser children with more men (on average
2-3 fathers). Parallel to these fertility changes the number of marriages
drops dramatically while the costs of marriage explode. It is assumed that
both trends are connected. Marriage has become a rare event for a small group
of people. The huge majority tries to become part of this group, using fertility
as a (often unsuccessful) vehicle.
Paper Julia Pauli and Michael Schnegg “Genealogies, church registers
and birth histories: Demography as a key to the history of everyday life” Conference ‘1904-2004.
Decontaminating the Namibian Past.’ University of Namibia, August
2004, Windhoek, Namibia.
Paper Julia Pauli “Kulturelle Diversität in der Gestaltung demographischer
Prozesse. Erkenntnisse aus einer multiethnischen Region Namibias“ Colloquium
Africanum, 14.6.2005, University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany.
Paper Julia Pauli “Marriage in the Making. Knowledge Transmission and Social Practices among Damara/Nama of Fransfontein, Northwest Namibia” 20. Internationale Tagung des VAD. Panel Müller ‚Knowledge Transfer over Generations’; 24.-27.7.2006, Frankfurt, Germany.
c) Population Development and Resources:
In collaboration with project E1 (especially Olaf Bubenzer and Andreas Bolten)
we have digitalized maps that visually demonstrate how land has become a
scarce and rare resource for the local population during the 20th century.
While commercial farms, mostly owned by farmers of European origin, extended,
the communal area for the Damara, Nama, and Hereros shrank. Given these historical
antecedents, it is extremely difficult for the local population to buffer
risks.
Paper Michael Schnegg and Julia Pauli „Kein Platz zum (Über)leben. 100 Jahre Land An- und Enteignungsprozess im Nordwesten Namibias“ Panel organized by Julia Pauli & Susanne Berzborn ‚Umstrittene Ressourcen. Neuere Fallstudien aus Afrika’. Tagung der deutschen Gesellschaft für Völkerkunde. 4.-7.10.05, Halle/Saale, Germany.
d) Genealogies:
Numerous Fransfonteiners supported and encouraged our interest in collecting
genealogical data. Before we arrived in the community, Otto /Uirab had already
collected several family trees. Together with us, Jorries Seibeb and Francois
Dawids his work was extended, supplemented and entered into a computer program
(Family Tree Maker). First results were presented at an international conference
in Windhoek.
Paper Michael Schnegg, Francois Dawids, Otto /Uirab, Jorries Seibeb and Julia Pauli „Family Origin. A genealogical project to reconstruct local histories and identities.” Conference organized by Tilman Lenssen-Erz “A Homecoming of Rockart” 16.-19.4.05, Windhoek, Namibia.
LINK: Family histories in Fransfontein
With Michael Schnegg, Francois Dawids, Otto /Uirab, Fiona Ilonga, Jorries Seibeband Titus Kamunika, since 2006:
Family histories in Fransfontein, funded by the Jutta-Vogel-Foundation
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CASE STUDY (2) CLEMENS GREINER
Between Kraal and Township: Processes of Migration in Northwestern Namibia
The multiethnic farming settlements surrounding the Fransfontein communal area form the starting point of this case study. These small settlements located in the arid southern part of the former Damara homeland in northwestern Namibia were founded in the late 1930s by immigrating Bantu-speaking pastoralists. Today, the residents of these settlements still practice livestock husbandry, albeit on a predominantly subsistence-oriented level. Most households are closely linked with the urban areas through migration of family members and through manifold economic relationships. The study traces how these migration processes have evolved in the contexts of colonialism, apartheid and independence, and points out how they are shaping the contemporary demographic, socio-cultural and economic structures of rural households. Activities within the SFB 389
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CASE STUDY (3) MARTINA GOCKEL
The Namibian town Khorixas: Fertility Decision-Making and Cultural Change
in Pre- and Post Apartheid Times
This subproject is focusing on reproductive decisions of women in a typical Namibian town under the threat of HIV/AIDS. Khorixas, the former administrative capital of Damaraland, remained capital of the Kunene region until 1999. Like in Fransfontein, the research site of Pauli & Schnegg [C10 (1)], most of the 5.000 – 6.000 inhabitants are Damara but members of most other Namibian groups do also live in this town. Following the national trend fertility is also declining in Khorixas (In 2006 the total fertility rate (TFR) in Khorixas was 5,1. Unfortunately comparative data for the town of Khorixas itself do not exist but according to the 2001 Population and Housing Census, Kunene Region published in 2005 by the Central Bureau of Statistics in Windhoek, the TFR for the whole Kunene Region declined from 6,2 in 1991 to 4,9 in 2001). According to the data collected during a 12-month-fieldwork this is mainly due to the use of contraception and changing relationships. As marriage does rarely happen periods without a partner occur several times during the reproductive life of a woman. Thus most of the women have children from different men. Even though women have free access to contraceptives unwanted pregnancies occur due to a critical standpoint towards this kind of fertility control. These negative attitudes concerning contraceptives are partly caused by a history looking back on forced sterilizations and forced injections of mostly Depo Provera, a hormonal injection known for its diverse and severe side-effects. On the other hand children are wanted in order to (often unsuccessfully) obligate the fathers, follow social norms (in a relationship children are regarded as a kind of MUST), and as a support during old age. The before mentioned aspects are at the same time reasons why HIV/AIDS is still spreading even though the majority of the population is well informed about the disease. Difficult economic situations – 85% of the population of Khorixas are unemployed – combined with patriarchal structures giving the man the power to decide and the fact that talking about the pandemic or sexuality in the private sphere is still a taboo force women into unprotected sexual actions. Details as well as other factors influencing the process of women’s reproductive decision-making (like religion and traditional beliefs or life concepts) have been presented and analyzed in two articles:
Cooperation with:
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